Oppenheimers emerge as South Africa’s top political donors

South Africa’s Oppenheimer family has emerged as the largest declared private backer of political parties since the country’s transparency rules took effect in 2021. Filings show more than R200 million directed to six parties by family members including Mary Slack, Nicholas Oppenheimer, Jessica Slack-Jell, Rebecca Oppenheimer, Jonathan Oppenheimer and Victoria Freudenheim.

The beneficiaries span the spectrum and highlight a strategy of hedged support rather than single-party patronage. The Democratic Alliance received about R62.5 million. The Inkatha Freedom Party drew roughly R50 million. ActionSA took in about R45.75 million. RISE Mzansi secured around R30 million. Build One South Africa received about R12 million, and the United Democratic Movement roughly R1 million. The family’s spread of donations mirrors a coalition-era market in which influence and policy access are diversified.

The Political Party Funding Act requires disclosure of donations above a threshold—initially R100,000, later lifted to R200,000—and caps annual contributions per donor, a ceiling that has risen to R30 million. Total declared funding across parties since 2021/22 is now well north of R800 million. The figures capture only sums above the threshold and exclude aggregated small cheques, so they remain a partial view of the money landscape; nonetheless, the Oppenheimer totals dominate the declared column.

The dynasty’s role is a function of scale and history. Ernest Oppenheimer founded Anglo American in 1917 and later took control of De Beers, with successive generations shaping mining, finance and philanthropy. Today, a modern family-office network deploys capital into operating companies, funds and civic causes—and, within the statutory limits, into politics.

For parties, the cash buys research bandwidth, field operations and legal capacity in a competitive cycle. For business, large transparent cheques from known names are preferable to opaque intermediaries. For regulators and civil society, concentration risk is the trade-off: a handful of donors supply a large share of all declared finance, raising familiar questions about access and influence even as disclosures improve accountability.

The funding code is maturing. Caps and thresholds have been changed, compliance has become stricter, and parties have figured out how to get donations without breaking the rules. The Oppenheimer disclosures are at the heart of that change. They show how one family may fund many opponents, stay within the law, and nevertheless make a difference in a political market with a lot of coalitions. If coalition politics keeps going, there will be fewer donors, bigger checks, and more hedges.